Queen's Speech

The Queen, being seated on the Throne, and attended by Her Officers of State (the Lords being in their robes), commanded the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, through the Lord Great Chamberlain, to let the Commons know, "It is Her Majesty's pleasure they attend Her immediately in this House".
	Who being come, with their Speaker, Her Majesty was pleased to speak as follows:

The Queen: My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, my Government will take forward policies to respond to the rising aspirations of the people of the United Kingdom; to ensure security for all; and to entrust more power to Parliament and the people.
	My Government's programme will meet people's aspirations for better education, housing, healthcare and children's services, and for a cleaner environment.
	My Government is committed to raising educational standards and giving everyone the chance to reach their full potential.
	A Bill will be introduced to ensure that young people stay in education or training until age 18, and to provide new rights to skills training for adults. Draft legislation will be brought forward to reform apprenticeships.
	Available and affordable housing is one of my Government's main priorities. Legislation will be introduced to create a new Homes and Communities Agency that will deliver more social and affordable housing, and promote regeneration.
	There will also be a Bill to reform the planning system, providing for quicker and more transparent decision-making.
	My Government is committed to providing a healthcare system organised around the needs of the patient.
	Legislation will be introduced to create a stronger health and social care regulator with a remit to ensure clean and safe services and high-quality care.
	A Bill will be brought forward to reform the regulation of human embryology and to ensure that Britain remains at the forefront of medical research.
	My Government wants all children to have the best possible start in life.
	There will be a Bill to improve services for vulnerable children and young people, including those in care.
	My Government will bring forward proposals to help people achieve a better balance between work and family life.
	Legislation will be introduced to enable unclaimed money in dormant bank accounts to be used for youth facilities, financial inclusion and social investment.
	A Bill will place a duty on every employer to contribute to good-quality workplace pensions for their employees.
	My Government is committed to protecting the environment and to tackling climate change, both at home and abroad.
	A Bill will be brought forward to make the United Kingdom the first country in the world to introduce a legally binding framework to reduce carbon dioxide emissions.
	My Government will introduce legislation to provide clean, secure and affordable supplies of energy.
	There will be legislation to tackle congestion and improve public transport.
	Alongside measures to meet rising aspirations, my Government will take further action to create stronger communities and tackle terrorism.
	Legislation to reform the criminal justice system will continue to be taken forward, with the aim of protecting the public and reducing reoffending.
	My Government will publish a draft Bill on citizenship.
	My Government will seek a consensus on changes to the law on terrorism so that the police and other agencies have the powers they need to protect the public, whilst preserving essential rights and liberties.
	My Government will pursue policies to secure a stable and strong economy, with low inflation, sound public finances and high levels of employment.
	Legislation will be brought forward to protect depositors and ensure confidence in the banking system.
	A Bill will be introduced to reduce regulatory burdens on business.
	My Government is committed to openness and accountability and to a strong Parliament able to hold the Government properly to account.
	Proposals will be brought forward to renew the constitutional settlement and strengthen the relationship between the Government, Parliament and the people.
	My Government will bring forward proposals on the regulation of party finance and expenditure.
	Members of the House of Commons, estimates for the public services will be laid before you.
	My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, my Government will continue to work closely with the devolved Administrations in the interests of all the people of the United Kingdom.
	My Government will continue to work to build a prosperous and secure European Union, better able to respond to the challenges of globalisation. Legislation will be brought forward to enable Parliament to approve the European Union reform treaty.
	Reducing global poverty will be a high priority for my Government, with renewed efforts to achieve the millennium development goals. The Duke of Edinburgh and I look forward to visiting Uganda later this month for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting.
	My Government will continue to work with the Government of Iraq to deliver security, political reconciliation and economic reconstruction.
	My Government will continue to support the Government of Afghanistan as it tackles extremism, instability and the narcotics trade.
	My Government will continue to work with the United Nations, G8 and European Union to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction, including addressing international concerns over Iran's nuclear intentions.
	My Government will maintain Britain's strong commitment to reaching a lasting peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinians.
	Other measures will be laid before you.
	My Lords and Members of the House of Commons, I pray that the blessing of Almighty God may rest upon your counsels.

House adjourned during pleasure.
	House resumed at half-past three: the LORD SPEAKER on the Woolsack.

Prayers—Read by the Lord Bishop of Coventry.

Members of the House

It was ordered that a list of Members of the House, prepared by the Clerk of the Parliaments, be printed.

Clerk of the Parliaments

The House having been informed on 24 May that Her Majesty had been pleased to appoint Mr Michael Graham Pownall to the Office of Clerk of the Parliaments, vacant by the retirement of Sir Paul David Grenville Hayter, the letters of appointment dated 4 November 2007 were read; then the said Michael Graham Pownall made the prescribed declaration (which declaration is set down in the Roll among the oaths of the great officers) in terms as follows:
	"I, Michael Graham Pownall, do declare that I will be true and faithful and troth I will bear to Our Sovereign Lady the Queen and to Her Heirs and Successors. I will nothing know that shall be prejudicial to Her Highness Her Crown Estate and Dignity Royal, but that I will resist it to my power and with all speed I will advertise Her Grace thereof, or at the least some of Her Counsel in such wise as the same may come to Her knowledge. I will also well and truly serve Her Highness in the Office of Clerk of Her Parliaments making true Entries and Records of the things done and passed in the same. I will keep secret all such matters as shall be treated in Her said Parliaments and not disclose the same before they shall be published, but to such as it ought to be disclosed unto, and generally I will well and truly do and execute all things belonging to me to be done appertaining to the Office of Clerk of the Parliaments".
	After which he took his seat at the Table.

Select Vestries Bill

Read a first time pro forma.

Debate on the Address

Baroness Hayman: My Lords, I have to acquaint the House that Her Majesty was pleased this morning to make a most gracious Speech from the Throne to both Houses of Parliament assembled in the House of Lords. Copies of the gracious Speech are available in the Printed Paper Office.
	I have, for the convenience of the House, arranged for the terms of the gracious Speech to be published in the Official Report.

Baroness Corston: My Lords, I beg to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty as follows:
	"Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament".
	I thank my noble friends the Leader of the House and the Chief Whip for giving me the privilege and honour of moving this Motion. My noble friend Lady Ashton of Upholland is a delightful and approachable colleague. Her competence is evidently appreciated on all sides of the House, in view of the fact that she has been elected by her Peers in successive years as Lords Minister of the Year and Peer of the Year. As to the Chief Whip, my noble friend Lord Grocott—or the Captain of the Honourable Corps of the Gentleman-at-Arms, as I should call him today of all days after his resplendent appearance before us this morning during the State Opening—not only was he an effective and highly respected colleague during my first two Parliaments as a Member of another place, but he is the embodiment of a great Chief Whip, in that you are rarely conscious of the discipline but feel bad if you let him down. He also does marvellous pager messages.
	I am just starting my third year as a Member of your Lordships' House and have been reflecting on the experience. I was talking to our late lamented and noble friend Tony Banks—Lord Stratford, or Lord Banks of the Thames, as I gather he wanted to be called—the night the House rose for the Christmas Recess of 2005, which was his last night here. We swapped notes and I pointed out that our intake had reduced the average age in your Lordships' House to 69. He said that it meant that overnight he had become a young Turk, having previously been a boring old—I think that noble Lords know what word he used.
	My former right honourable friend Tony Benn recalls his late father, Lord Stansgate, joking that after being in the Commons for years the one thing that he could not get used to in the Lords was all the good will. The conclusion I draw is that this House is by and large comprised of people who have a wealth of experience of life and who are beyond ambition because we have nothing to prove. All I will say to the Government is that in the process of constitutional change they should make sure that these two essential qualities are not lost.
	When the history of our period in office is written, it will be acknowledged that we changed the political discourse on public services. No party in the foreseeable future can be elected without a wholehearted and generous commitment to health, education, social security and housing. It is a remarkable achievement. I was very proud of the fact that after we came to power in 1997 it was in the poorest parts of my constituency of Bristol East—areas that are not on any tourist map—that the first new school and health centre were built. Now every secondary school in Bristol has been or is being rebuilt. Such things matter, and not only for teachers and health professionals; the quality of local services is seen as a direct reflection of the worth that we place on local communities. Whenever I see a TV news presenter standing outside a hospital, I always look at the building. It is remarkable how often it is new.
	I know from my own family experience how life enhancing public services can be. My paternal grandfather was born in a workhouse. He left school at 11 to work as a miner. My father left school at 15. He eventually found it hard to get work because he was blacked as a trade unionist. I left school at 16 and went to university in my mid-40s, after my children had graduated. I then trained as a lawyer. I now live a life of relative privilege but I never forget those who, like my family, are utterly dependent on our public services.
	There is a similar story to tell on youth unemployment. Early in the 1992-97 Parliament, my parliamentary friend and neighbour, the right honourable Dawn Primarolo, visited a secondary school in her constituency at the end of the academic year. She was told that 100 students were leaving but that only 11 of them had a job to go to. Ten years later, when I told this story to a group of school leavers in my constituency, they did not believe me, because they all had jobs and training places to go to. Consequently, I was delighted that the gracious Speech included legislation on housing, pensions, health and public transport. The proposals to improve the life chances of looked-after children are particularly welcome, as is the intention to help people to achieve a better balance between work and family life.
	The phrase "knowledge economy" is often bandied about, but there is no doubt that Britain's economic status can be secured in the future only if we have a well educated and highly skilled population. In this context, the proposal to raise to 18 the minimum age at which young people can leave education or training is both welcome and vital. It is more than 40 years since the announcement that the school leaving age would be increased to 16 and in that time huge strides have been made in other countries. India, for example, is turning out 1 million science graduates a year.
	I have left until last the issue that is most important—climate change. You do not have to be a weather forecaster or a scientist to work out that our climate is changing; it is obvious to any experienced gardener. It is the only credible explanation for the extreme weather phenomena that we have seen in recent years, from Hurricane Katrina, to severe drought, to disastrous floods. It is a relief that at last there appears to be unanimity in the science community worldwide that human activity is changing our climate. Late converts are to be preferred to sinners, but global progress is slow. It was in 1979 that I first learnt that there was a hole in the ozone layer over the Antarctic. We were told then that all would be well if we stopped using chlorofluorocarbons, so my contribution at that time was to stop using deodorant sprays. Wouldn't it be great if that had been enough? The Climate Change Bill is our most ambitious initiative yet: to move beyond Kyoto so as to reduce the UK's carbon dioxide emissions by at least 60 per cent by 2050, using 1990 as the baseline. It is worth recording in passing that we are one of the few countries to comply with the Kyoto targets.
	The Energy Bill is the other side of the same coin, with its emphasis on a more rapid deployment of renewables in the UK. While wind farms, carbon capture and initiatives such as a Severn barrage may well have their place, I am convinced that there is growing public enthusiasm for microgeneration. People want to do their bit for the environment. Generous grant schemes for householders and the encouragement of microgeneration in public buildings are good common sense and would be popular. Also very welcome are the proposals to target fuel poverty measures more effectively so as to build on energy-saving measures, such as home insulation.
	Occasionally, I reflect on an experience that I had about 30 years ago. I was campaigning in a local government by-election in south Devon, together with a party colleague called Norman. I thought that he was old, although he was probably about the age that I am now. It was just coming up to lunchtime and I decided to stop, but I realised that Norman had been detained on a doorstep. I went to inquire what was happening and it turned out that, after Norman's introduction, the householder had said that he would not be able to vote. Norman assumed that that meant he had just moved in and was not on the register, so he explained the procedure for doing so. The man said, "No, no; I can't vote", and Norman thought that he meant that he wanted a postal vote. He explained the procedure and offered him an application form. The householder then said very loftily to both of us, "No, you misunderstand. I can't vote because I'm a Jehovah's Witness. My vote is in heaven". Norman replied, quick as a flash, "But you come down for your meals, don't you?". We all come down for our meals, and we have common aims of protecting the security and safety of the British people, looking after all our children, providing world-class education and skills and reducing global poverty.
	Moved, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in the following terms:
	"Most Gracious Sovereign—We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, beg leave to thank Your Majesty for the most gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament".—(Baroness Corston.)

Lord Hart of Chilton: My Lords, it is a great honour and privilege to second this Motion for an humble Address and to have the pleasure of following my noble friend Lady Corston, whose political achievements in human rights and equal opportunities I have so admired. It is also a great honour to do so by way of making a maiden speech.
	I should tell your Lordships that, when I entered this House, I went immediately to the ever-helpful Clerk of the Parliaments to inquire about making maiden speeches. "As you were a government adviser", he said, "I think it would be quite inappropriate for you to speak". "Oh dear", I said. He replied, "Don't worry, you'll have plenty of time. One of their Lordships took 35 years before troubling the House with a few words and, even then, the general view was that it wasn't worth the wait". I went to the Whips and told them the news. I said, "I'm afraid that I won't be able to speak". "That's the best bit of news we've had for some time—it's a pity there aren't more of you. Always remember: less is more". Buoyed up with that confidence-building experience, perhaps I may thank the noble Baroness the Leader of the House and the noble Lord the Chief Whip for having the audacity to invite me to second the Motion this afternoon. Perhaps I may also pay my own tribute to their work.
	As a Minister, the noble Baroness the Leader of the House was, as I know from personal experience, quite outstanding at taking Bills through this House, and she always sought sensible compromise in doing so. With her in her new role, we have someone who genuinely wishes to be a Leader of the whole House, and in my view she has made an excellent start. I am also a great admirer of the noble Lord the Chief Whip, who carries out his difficult tasks with good humour. When confronted with trouble, as he often is, he asks himself always what the good people of Telford would do—and they rarely let him down.
	As I am paying tributes, perhaps I may pay two more—to the noble and learned Lords the former Lord Chancellors for whom I worked for nearly 10 years. As your Lordships may imagine, they were not always easy men to advise, but they were a delight to work with, kind and generous. They both had huge energy and ability and were, in quite different ways, formidable advocates. They were prodigiously hard-working and—quite surprisingly for me at least—in going for a train, both of them had an astonishing turn of speed along platforms and going up stairs, leaving me hopelessly trailing behind carrying the bags. They were much loved by their private officers. I should add that the officials working in those offices were also outstanding. They worked long hours, always in good humour, with great loyalty. We are lucky to have such civil servants.
	Although I received abusive telephone calls for not preventing the noble and learned Lord, Lord Irvine, from abandoning his knee breeches, tights and buckled shoes, in fact, surprisingly, neither Lord Chancellor ever sought my advice on their personal appearance, make-up or clothing. Of course, one might say that their impeccable sense of style was the only guide they needed; indeed, the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer of Thoroton, has become an icon for the shirt industry. Very sensibly, they rejected my suggestion that they might appear on "The Simpsons".
	When I first entered this House, I encountered great kindness on all sides, and I received a number of letters. One that particularly caught my attention was a request from a Scottish football fan, who asked me to include in my territorial title the name Midlothian, so that in the Divisions of this House, recorded in Hansard, there would be constant references to his team, Heart of Midlothian. In the event, with the arrival of the noble Lord, Lord Foulkes of Cumnock, there was no such need. Instead, at the request of my local parish council in Suffolk, I adopted the name of Chilton, where I live some 10 miles away from the fields where my great-great-grandfather and his father worked as agricultural labourers. I spent the whole of my childhood and adolescence with great happiness in Ipswich in that county, one of whose famous sons was Cardinal Wolsey. I often wondered whether that fact had anything to do with my selection as an adviser to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Irvine.
	At school, I wondered about a career in the law, so I went to see the lawyer member of the Foot family, Dingle Foot, who was then the Member of the other place for the constituency of Ipswich. "Go to the courts", he said, "and soak up the atmosphere". So I went to the Suffolk assizes. To my astonishment, the first case involved a boy from my class at school. He entered the dock. He was charged with arson in that, on Guy Fawkes night, he had set light to a duck hut in the local park, sending a number of ducks into oblivion. He told us that he had been going on holiday. Of course in a way that proved to be the case because he was convicted, but he went away for a rather longer time than he had led us to believe.
	Having soaked up the atmosphere of the court, I decided as a precautionary measure to become a solicitor. For 35 years of my life, dealing with planning and the environment, I was lucky enough to promote some extraordinary projects, and sometimes I sought to stop others. I toured England and Wales in the company of various distinguished and expensive Queen's Counsel whose presence certainly prolonged the proceedings quite considerably. As one said to me one night in the hotel bar after we had been going at an inquiry for more than two months, "You know, the planning inquiry has been invented to give the public some idea of eternity".
	What did I learn? Throughout my professional career there has been any number of attempts to make the planning system more efficient, more speedy and less costly. There is still a very long way to go but the Queen's Speech contains further proposals and I wish them well. Speeding up the process must not exclude proper public participation and communities must not feel alienated by an over-legalistic system. Many are baffled and defeated by the jargon used by planners. Please follow this example from the London Docklands development brief carefully. It states:
	"In the metaphoric magnetic field of compression/release the two polarities are linked by the march of perspective. Despite the great distances involved, one end can be seen from the other and comprehended in one visual grasp, since clarity of the images at either end will not be confused or overlaid by what happens in between. The end of the journey from the dock gates terminates at the flowing pier; the presence that has been implicit all the way, the river, is now realised not from [some] remote embankment but in the exposed imminence of wet water—the edge situation".
	I can see that some of your Lordships, like me, are also now in the edge situation. So let me immediately beg to second the Motion, repeat what an honour it has been to do so, and say how delighted I am, after all the years that I have spent admiring your Lordships' House in silence, to be taking part in the proceedings of the House for the first time today.

Lord Strathclyde: My Lords, I am delighted to beg to move that this debate be adjourned until tomorrow. In doing so, it is my welcome duty to congratulate the mover and seconder of the main Motion on their excellent speeches; in particular, we had the remarkable maiden speech made by the noble Lord, Lord Hart. Before I say anything more on both those speakers, perhaps your Lordships will support me if I say something about the first person who addressed us today; that is, Her Majesty the Queen.
	Her Majesty has now opened Parliament 54 times, far more times than any of her predecessors. Even Queen Victoria did so only 30 times. Nothing could speak more of the unparalleled and lifelong sense of public duty Her Majesty has always held before us as an example. I am sure that with the passing of the years the crown gets no lighter, and certainly the speeches regularly fall short of the Shakespearean. In this splendid and deeply symbolic ceremony, which calls to mind the unity of our nation, of which Parliament is only the servant, Her Majesty has never flinched. In a fortnight's time, she and Prince Philip will mark 60 years of married life. I am sure that I speak for the whole House in wishing them the heartiest good wishes and congratulations for a very special diamond wedding.
	The noble Baroness, Lady Corston, charmed the House. We knew her already as a person of great heart and humanity, and as one deeply committed to the cause of the weak and those without basic rights in their own countries. In that, she has many friends in this House, as she has in her work for disabled people. I am sure that we will find ourselves on the same side of the argument on some of the legislation foreshadowed today. The noble Baroness can be proud of her record of public service and of loyalty to her party, and the House looks forward to hearing from her on many more occasions.
	If the noble Baroness has been a public face of Labour, old and new, the noble Lord, Lord Hart of Chilton, has been the quiet man of your Lordships' House for far too long. He has been a private voice in the ear of two of the titans of new Labour—the noble and learned Lords, Lord Irvine of Lairg and Lord Falconer of Thoroton. Both those mighty battleships have now been mothballed, but we still hear the occasional rumble of 16-inch guns in the media and who knows where else in the future. Now, at last, the noble Lord has broken his silence to share his wisdom with an expectant nation. I have found out that he is a person of the highest authority in the field of planning, and he has demonstrated that knowledge today. No doubt we will be hearing from him on the controversial legislation laid before us.
	As a special adviser, the noble Lord occupied a role in which he could not take a strong public position, but I know from my dealings with him of the constructive line that he always took on difficult issues. We had some insight into his good sense and outstanding sense of humour today. In Dod's, he gives his recreation as "talking". He talked a good talk today, and we look forward to him yakking a bit more in the Session ahead. I sound a warning to the noble Baroness the Leader of the House. The House may remember that it was only seven years ago when she herself seconded the Motion for an Humble Address. A few more speeches like that from the noble Lord, Lord Hart, and—who knows?—a place in the Whips' Office at least for him. Like the noble Baroness, Lady Corston, I congratulate him warmly.
	It is now nine years since I became Leader of the Opposition. This morning, as I sought inspiration for my speech, I recalled the words of Zsa Zsa Gabor's ninth husband, who said, "I know what to do, but I'm not sure I can still make it very interesting". I shall do my best. A few months ago, I was waiting to leave a plane at Glasgow Airport, when one of my fellow passengers turned to me and discussed various matters regarding the role of government. After a couple of minutes, seeing a vague look in my eyes, he said accusingly, "You are that Digby Jones, aren't you, my Lord?". I still do not know which of us should feel more flattered.
	Here we are—the first Session of a new Prime Minister. No more Tony Blair, no more cool Britannia, stakeholderism or contestability. At least then, as the noble Lord, Lord Giddens, reminded us last year, we had the third way. Now there seems no sense of any way in which to lead this country. Of course, it was supposed to be so different. This should have been the first day of a new Government, not just another day in the death of an old one.
	A month ago the Prime Minister marched party and country boldly up to the top of the hill and then led us all down again. Even the Grand Old Duke of York had a bit more vision than that. The Prime Minister said that he delayed the election to set out his vision. Some of us thought that we knew pretty well what his vision was—to tax, to regulate, to see spending as the solution to every problem and to put your faith in the state and trust no one. These are the stars by which we all know Mr Brown has navigated in these past 10 years.
	Many of your Lordships will recall that just before the Summer Recess we were asked to have a debate on an early look at the Queen's Speech—a "Prime Minister's Speech", no less. I thought that it was a little absurd then and I have seen no reason to change my mind. When I look back on that Statement, the Prime Minister promised what he called region-by-region deliberation and responses. I hope that when the noble Baroness replies she will be able to tell us if they were dancing down in Devon when they heard that a planning Bill would weaken powers to stop developers concreting over our gardens and countryside. Was there a rumble in the Ribble Valley when they heard of a coroners Act coming their way? Did they start crooning in Croydon when they heard that the local council might get more powers to charge and fine drivers? Where is the vision in all this mishmash?
	The Climate Change Bill is welcome, but it has been announced for the sixth time—or is it the seventh? Just how many criminal justice Acts have we had since 1997? Why, despite all of them, is gun and knife crime soaring? We have a Bill to force young people to stay in education until they are 18. That may have benefits, but surely the scandal is not that many students spend two years too few in school but that they have learnt too little in the previous 11. Treating the symptoms is one thing; we need to tackle the causes. We have a Bill for cleaner hospitals; but surely, to make our hospitals safe, it is not a Bill we need, but the will and the way. Once again this is legislating about the symptoms, not the cause.
	Then we are promised another Bill on deregulation. I hope that might start in your Lordships' House, so that the noble Lord, Lord Jones of Birmingham, can shape it, as I know British business would want. Can the noble Baroness say if that will be the case? And is she is able to say how many other Bills will be starting here? I counted 18 Bills in the gracious Speech. I am sure that there must be more. Can the noble Baroness say how many there are and how heavy this Session will be?
	There was talk in the Speech of "renewing the constitutional settlement". That ought to mean tackling the West Lothian question and offering English votes for English laws. I see nothing on that. There is talk of ratifying the European treaty. But where is the provision for the referendum that was unequivocally promised in the Labour and Liberal Democrat manifestos?
	If we are looking for vision, I see only two Bills that were not in July's speech. There is a Bill on party finance that reflects no party consensus. Can the noble Baroness say if it will include provision to cap spending and funding of the Labour Party by the trade unions? We are told there is a Bill to ensure confidence in the banking system. Where is the vision in that? It will be an epitaph of new Labour that it took two of the granite pillars of British confidence and integrity—the voting system and the banking system—and left them mired in doubt.
	We will have difficult work in the coming months, not least on the crucial question of balancing ancient liberties and domestic security. I hope that the Government really mean what the Speech says, that they will seek consensus and not play politics with people's freedoms. We will face hard debates on nuclear power, where the Government's long failure to grasp this issue has put our energy security at risk. We will face agonising choices, too, on the human embryology Bill.
	I know that your Lordships will be at your best in this difficult work, which will shape the lives of future generations. As an Opposition, we will play our part constructively. The errors of the past 10 years have thrown up great challenges that need to be tackled in our schools and hospitals and cities. I look forward, as does my Front Bench, to working with Peers from all parties and from none in scrutinising and improving the legislation put before us. It is my very pleasant duty to beg to move.
	Moved, That this debate be adjourned until tomorrow.—(Lord Strathclyde.)

Lord McNally: My Lords, Harold Wilson's old dictum that a week is a long time in politics is even more true when it applies to a year. The last gracious Speech, delivered on 15 November 2006, now seems to belong to a different age. Since then we have had a new Leader of this House, a new Lord Chancellor and a new Prime Minister, and of course my own party is in the process of choosing a new leader to replace Sir Menzies Campbell—or "Young Ming" as he was known here in the House of Lords.
	As for our new Prime Minister, he has already established a reputation for kleptomania. First of all he raids these Benches for advice and talent. Then he steals policies from the Conservatives, some of which they had already stolen from us. On top of that he costs the Labour Party £1 million by bottling the decision on the general election. In the circumstances I have some sympathy for Mr Douglas Alexander, his chief election aide. Is it really possible that a Prime Minister would defer the date of a general election without telling his closest aide, who was busy preparing for a different and earlier date? Well, perhaps it has happened before. But enough of memory lane.
	My first task is to congratulate the mover and the seconder of the Humble Address for the gracious Speech. I know the noble Baroness, Lady Corston, only by reputation. She has long been a champion of the rights of the child and we look forward to her expert view in the year ahead on the Bill,
	"to improve services for vulnerable children and young people".
	As a former chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party, and indeed in this House, she has a reputation as a loyalist without ever allowing it to be of Foulkesian proportions. The internet site TheyWorkForYou.com puts her in the "Never rebels against their party" column. I hope we can entice her into a little rebelliousness in the year ahead.
	For me the noble Lord, Lord Hart of Chilton, is a different matter. I have known him for over 40 years. When I went to University College, London, in 1962 he was already established as the star of the debating society. Whenever the buzz went round college that Garry Hart was to speak, young students would flock to hear the great man orate. He would enter the debating chamber like the toreador from "Carmen", with undergraduates swooning at his feet. So when I again consulted TheyWorkForYou.com, I was—until I heard his explanation today—surprised. Number of questions: nil. Number of speeches: nil. Did those years toiling as Sancho Panza to Lord Irving's legal Don Quixote drain him completely? Was Garry Hart a burnt-out star? A dead supernova? Our answer came today in a speech of wit and brilliance that transported me back 40 years.
	There is one other bright spot about today's speech. TheyWorkForYou.com offers a service where they will instantly send a subscriber any speech or question made by a noble Lord. On their site they log the number of people who have registered for each Peer. I can tell the House that two people had registered for this service in relation to the noble Lord, Lord Hart. Can you imagine the joy in those homes today when the machine in the corner that had long been silent and gathering dust suddenly chattered into life? Garry had spoken. We hope that those machines will be kept increasingly busy in the months and years ahead.
	Over the next week, we shall have the opportunity to debate the gracious Speech in detail and I will not delay the House today by mentioning our attitude to each Bill. But on a personal level, as a vice-president of Shelter, I welcome the commitment in the gracious Speech to provide more social and affordable housing. As Shelter has pointed out, nearly 1 million children still live in sub-standard housing. Given that we have come through a decade of growth and prosperity, the Government's record in this sector is lamentable. For much of the past decade barely 20,000 to 25,000 social rented homes have been built each year compared with around 100,000 a year, on a regular basis, in the 1960s and 1970s. Even what is promised in the gracious Speech may be too little, too late with not enough use made of council capabilities, not enough social housing to meet population growth, not enough affordability and not enough sustainability in the Government's plans. The blunt fact is that 40 years after she shocked the nation, Cathy has yet to come home.
	We welcome the invitation in the gracious Speech to broader consultation on constitutional reform. There is no doubt that the Government were much more sure-footed on matters of constitutional reform when operating from the blueprint provided by the Cook/Maclennan committee than when responsibility was passed over to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, and Mr John Prescott. There is a need for us all to commit ourselves to an entrenched framework of rights where the Human Rights Act is seen as a minimum standard—not something to be watered down or dismantled.
	On measures to combat both crime and terrorism, we give second place to no one in our determination to combat both. But the threats and challenges that this generation faces do not change the name of the game when defending the essentials of rights and freedoms which make up a liberal democracy. I believe passionately that, when the state seeks new powers over the citizen, Parliament has a duty to make the Executive clear the highest hurdles before such powers are granted, if at all. If every atrocity or threat of atrocity produces a further ratcheting-up of security measures, we are in danger of creating a permanent state of emergency which would be counterproductive, both in providing security and in preserving our democracy. The warning issued yesterday by the head of MI5 about the nature of the threat facing us calls into question once again the wisdom of diverting billions of pounds into a costly and unproven ID cards system when the real need is for more, better trained officers and more conventional programmes targeted at counterterrorism.
	I referred a moment ago to the responsibilities of Parliament in regard to civil liberties. I believe that Parliament should accept similar responsibilities for the amending treaty to be brought before us relating to the European Union. I have made it clear from these Benches that the Government will have our votes if the Bill clears the House of Commons and is presented in a way that explains and extols the positive benefits of our continuing membership of the European Union.
	We have a busy year ahead. So let me give the Lord President and the Government Chief Whip a rough rule of thumb by which they can assess whether they can rely on these Benches for any particular measure. If the Government make a reality of their commitment to consensus and consultation on constitutional and related matters, they will find us willing participants. If they seek to reform our system of governance so that power and decision-making come closer to the people, they will have our enthusiastic support. We will not hesitate to give our support when national security demands it, but neither will we shirk from opposing measures which are authoritarian and undermine hard-won liberties. We will certainly demand actions, not just words, on matters concerning the environment and global warming.
	The gracious Speech sets out a programme. What remains to be probed is whether this Prime Minister and this Government have a philosophy and a strategy to meet the challenges of our time. Sooner or later they will have to face the judgment of the people. In the mean time, it is against the criteria that I have set out that we on these Benches will test this programme in the year ahead.

Baroness Ashton of Upholland: My Lords, it is a great pleasure to follow the noble Lords, Lord Strathclyde and Lord McNally, and to begin my first full Session as Leader of your Lordships' House. It is a great honour and privilege to serve the whole of your Lordships' House as its Leader. I do so with humility, respect and real affection for your Lordships' House, for all it does and for your Lordships—some of you especially; you know who you are. I am especially proud to serve your Lordships from these Benches and pay tribute to the government ministerial team here, who work so hard to serve this House, this Government and, most importantly, this country.
	I am delighted to congratulate my noble friend Lady Corston on moving the Motion on the gracious Speech. My noble friend now has considerable experience of both Houses of our Parliament, and her speech reflected that experience and the wisdom behind it. She was, as noble Lords will know, chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party—the first woman to hold that position, at which she excelled. The rare blend of no-nonsense political good sense combined with a willingness to speak truth unto power made her a real asset to the party, the Government and, perhaps most of all, to the Prime Minister. Woe betide Back-Bench MPs who behaved improperly, and woe betide government Ministers who failed to listen to the wise words of the Back-Benchers. She is, I know, sorely missed in the other place for her considerable abilities, and we are honoured to have her here.
	I feel particularly privileged to be responding to my noble friend's moving the Motion on the gracious Speech because of our shared interest in equalities and human rights. My noble friend's record on these and other issues in which she has specialised is second to none. I pay tribute to her work over many years, not least as the chairman of the Joint Committee on Human Rights, where she won the respect of all those who had the privilege of working with her. If I might pick out, from her long career, one piece from many outstanding pieces of work, it is her recently published report on women in prison. As a former Minister in the Ministry of Justice, I know how well her work in this area is viewed: a template for how this country should and must handle this sensitive and important area in the years to come. I thank my noble friend for her speech, and am particularly pleased that she was able to make it. I know that she had a bout of severe viral pneumonia this summer, but, fortunately, it did not prevent her being with us today.
	The Ministry of Justice, of course, also provides a close connection for me to the seconder of the Motion. I am especially delighted to congratulate my noble friend Lord Hart of Chilton on his speech seconding the Motion for a number of reasons. First, he and I worked closely together as Minister and special adviser at the Ministry of Justice, under my noble and learned friend the former Lord Chancellor, Lord Falconer, who I am delighted to see here today. Secondly, although my noble friend has been an active and engaged Member of the your Lordships' House since 2004, today's address was his maiden speech, since he decided not to speak in the House—although I am glad he decided to vote—while he was a special adviser to the Government. I congratulate him on making a successful maiden address. Principally, however, as the House has shown in its appreciation of my noble friend seconding the Motion, his speech was all that a number of us thought that it would be: spirited, insightful, kind and, most of all, funny. My noble friend's self-denying ordinance in relation to the Chamber meant that many of your Lordships may not have heard him before today. Those in that category have missed a treat. To those who knew what was likely to be coming, today was a vintage performance by my noble friend. He has, in terms of this Chamber, hidden his talent under a bushel for too long. Today he is fully "unbushelled", and your Lordships' House is the beneficiary.
	As I was writing this short speech, a couple of images came into my mind: the first was of my noble friend's desk, completely full of paper—as, indeed, was every other piece of furniture in the room, which made visiting him for advice somewhat of a challenge. Of course, as is often the case, irritatingly, he was able to put his hand on any piece of paper required at any point.
	Secondly, I recall his ability to create a particular kind of mayhem with a perfectly timed question or point; most famously, for me, when, over a sandwich lunch with the then Lord Chancellor, my noble and learned friend Lord Falconer, in the middle of a discussion of something quite unrelated, he announced in a matter-of-fact way that he had noticed the Lord Chancellor's house was on fire when he left home that morning—he lived close by. He presumed that all must be well as no one had been in touch. The consternation and bemusement on the face of my noble and learned friend Lord Falconer of Thoroton was wondrous to behold, bearing in mind that this was some five or six hours later, and only in passing did my noble friend feel it necessary to mention the fact. I should add that all was, indeed, well at home.
	Most of all, I will never forget the help that my noble friend gave me at the Ministry of Justice, and gives me now—always willing to give sound advice, to listen to a problem and give perspective and, I must say, to make me laugh helplessly. We are in for some serious contributions from my noble friend and, I hope, the occasional real treat.
	I also welcome fully the new Members of your Lordships' House who arrived in the past Session. They have, on all sides of the House, contributed already to our debates, and I look forward to working with them in the Session that will follow. I am delighted to see the Lord Speaker in her place for the State Opening; she is a credit to this House, and I look forward to working closely with her in the future.
	Briefly, the gracious Speech today, as others have mentioned—some with perhaps less enthusiasm than they might have done—marks a considerable constitutional innovation. Back in July, the Government published for the first time details in draft of the programme that was set out in the gracious Speech earlier today. Instead of a closely guarded process in which individual government departments propose Bills to be introduced and a Cabinet committee examines and deliberates on costs—a process that goes on behind closed doors and means that both Parliament and the public have no prior sight or involvement in the preparation of the programme—instead of inaccessibility, we now have for the first time transparency and openness. This is real change and a real improvement in our constitution and in the way in which we do government and legislation and, indeed, in the way in which Parliament works.
	We have put forward a programme that is based around 25 specified and detailed Bills and other, draft Bills. As the noble Lord, Lord Strathclyde, said, we put it out to consultation. We received comments from a range of people, organisations, members of the public, business leaders, local authorities and third-sector bodies. Comments covered the whole idea of publishing a draft legislative programme, the programme as a whole, and individual Bills in it. I am not sure whether we could say that people were dancing in Devon at the prospect, but I am sure that my noble friend will agree that they were probably tangoing in Telford.
	There was support for publishing a draft programme to make the legislative process more open. People with a particular interest in individual Bills welcomed the opportunity to know that the Government will legislate in their area of interest. People want to be able to comment on individual Bills, but do of course recognise the role of government in working out the detail of legislation. They want to know how their views are being considered, and they want a role in reviewing legislation when it has been introduced. Interestingly, they also want the legislative draft programme to be published even earlier than we published it. There is more work to be done on the concept and operation of publishing the programme in draft. We will do this work in line with the results of the consultation, and will endeavour to publish the next draft programme even earlier than we did this year. It is an important step towards openness and an important change in the way in which we do things, and I commend it to your Lordships' House.
	As a result of this innovation, Members of your Lordships' House will be familiar with the programme, which, as the gracious Speech made clear, has three principal elements: opportunity and aspiration; security in a fast-changing world; and entrusting more power to Parliament and the people. To help people to realise their aspirations and to get greater opportunity, we will bring forward legislation on housing and planning, on health, including human fertilisation and embryology, on children and education, and on employment and pensions. To deal with security in our changing world, we will bring forward measures on climate change and energy, on transport, on the marine environment, and on our architectural past as well as on criminal justice and counterterrorism. On entrusting more power to Parliament and the people, we will bring forward Bills to renew our constitutional settlement, and will continue to build a prosperous and secure European Union.
	I can confirm three Bills so far that will start in your Lordships' House: the human fertilisation and embryology Bill, the Local Transport Bill, and the Regulatory Enforcement and Sanctions Bill. Through the usual channels, we will make clear further Lords starters as the decisions are taken. I believe this constitutes a programme of radical and relevant change which will enhance and improve our country and benefit its people.
	I end my speech by saying thank you. I thank, in particular, the chairmen and members of your Lordships' Select Committees for their dedication and commitment to your Lordships' House. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Brabazon of Tara, and his team of Deputy Speakers for all that they do to ensure that the House runs smoothly and that its business is conducted co-operatively and well. I have already paid tribute to the team here on the Government Front Benches. I also thank those on the Opposition, Liberal Democrat and Cross Benches who have worked tirelessly—sometimes too tirelessly for my liking—to address all the issues raised in legislation or in debate. Indeed, I thank all Members of all Benches who spend time and energy getting involved and sharing their knowledge and expertise and who are prepared to listen and engage with the views of others.
	I enjoy what I believe are excellent working relationships with the noble Lords, Lord Strathclyde and Lord McNally. No one could be lost in navigating this House with the help of TomTom.

Noble Lords: Oh!

Baroness Ashton of Upholland: It is called the modern age, my Lords. I pay tribute to and thank the retiring Convenor of the Cross Benches, the noble Lord, Lord Williamson of Horton. He has convened, without pressurising, a diverse group of people—many of whom, I have noticed, have strong opinions—and has offered them sound advice and good sense. I congratulate him on all that he has done and welcome as his successor the estimable noble Baroness, Lady D'Souza. I look forward to working as closely with her. I also thank the right reverend Prelates for their wise counsel and important contribution to this House, and especially welcome back a dear friend, the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Portsmouth.
	Last week the House paid characteristically generous and entirely well deserved tribute to Sir Paul Hayter on his retirement as Clerk of the Parliaments. I add to that my thanks to all his staff for their hard work and dedication in the Session just ended, which I am confident that they will match in the coming Session. I know that all Members of the House realise and appreciate all that they and all the staff of your Lordships' House do, in whatever role they play, to make sure that your Lordships' House runs well with courtesy and real respect for your Lordships. I build on the tribute to Sir Paul by welcoming Michael Pownall, his successor.

Noble Lords: Hear, hear!

Baroness Ashton of Upholland: My Lords, in his advice and help to me and, I am sure, to others, he has already shown himself to be invaluable. In addition, I add my tribute to those Members—all of them friends and colleagues—who we lost during the previous Session. We will miss them all.
	Last week, we completed a long and, at times, arduous Session, which was made easier by the skill of the business managers and the usual channels, and I am grateful to them. We passed 25 government Bills and four other Bills also reached Royal Assent. We took 59 oral Statements, had 55 Questions for Short Debate and had a huge range of issues in front of us every day in departmental Questions. It was a full and busy Session.
	We now have ahead of us a Session putting into place the programme of legislation set out in the gracious Speech which will, I am sure, be challenging and, no doubt, at times controversial. It will take a good deal of commitment and staying power as well as a good deal of organisation and co-operation. It will help deliver a programme of real merit and value, and I believe it will be of real benefit to the people of this country. I am sure it will show your Lordships' House at its best. I support the Motion.
	On Question, Motion agreed to, and debate adjourned accordingly until tomorrow.

Chairman of Committees

Baroness Ashton of Upholland: My Lords, I beg to move that the noble Lord, Lord Brabazon of Tara, be appointed to take the Chair in all Committees of the House for this Session.
	Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to nemine dissentiente.

Principal Deputy Chairman of Committees

Baroness Ashton of Upholland: My Lords, I beg to move that the noble Lord, Lord Grenfell, be appointed Principal Deputy Chairman of Committees for this Session.
	Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to nemine dissentiente.

Stoppages in the Streets

It was ordered that the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis do take care that the passages through the streets leading to this House be kept free and open and that no obstruction be permitted to hinder the passage of Lords to and from this House during the sitting of Parliament; or to hinder Lords in the pursuit of their Parliamentary duties on the Parliamentary Estate; and that the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod attending this House do communicate this Order to the Commissioner.
	House adjourned at 4.39 pm.